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The Supreme Court and the Third Circuit decided three cases in the last week relating to the interpretation and enforceability of arbitration agreements. We discuss them below.

Third Circuit Compels Arbitration of an E-Signed Enrollment Agreement

The Third Circuit compelled arbitration of an agreement signed electronically by a student taking online courses. In Dicent v. Kaplan University, Maria Dicent, who represented herself in the case, filed a complaint against Kaplan University for various causes of action. Kaplan moved to compel arbitration on the basis that Dicent electronically signed a packet containing both an enrollment agreement and an arbitration agreement. Dicent claimed that she was not aware of the arbitration agreement and that Kaplan “tricked” her by including it within the enrollment packet.

According to the lower court, Kaplan supported its motion to compel with an affidavit explaining its e-signature verification process. To enroll in courses, students must log into an enrollment portal website. After clicking the “Electronically Sign” button, students enter personal identifying information on a verification page. An e-signature verification company compares the information with that in a confidential database. Upon positive verification of the student’s identity, the student and Kaplan receive a confirmation that the e-signature was successful. Kaplan’s records showed that Dicent’s enrollment packet, including the arbitration agreement, was accepted.

The Third Circuit explained that the first step in deciding whether to compel arbitration is to ask whether the parties have a valid agreement to arbitrate. In this case, the issue was whether Dicent assented to the agreement. Assent, the court explained, turns on ordinary state-law contract principles. The court observed that Pennsylvania, which the parties agreed governed the contract, recognizes e-signatures as a valid means to register legal assent.

The court held that there was no genuine issue of material fact as to whether Dicent assented to the arbitration agreement. Kaplan had presented evidence of her e-signature and Dicent conceded that she e-signed the enrollment packet. It concluded that the “most reasonable inference we can draw from the evidence presented is that Dicent simply did not read or review the Enrollment Packet PDF closely before she e-signed it, which will not save her from her obligation to arbitrate.”

A link to the opinion is here.

Justices Reject Judicially-Created Exception Limiting Enforcement of Arbitrability

 In Schein, Inc. v. Archer & White Sales, Inc., Justice Kavanaugh, writing for a unanimous Court, rejected the judicially-created “wholly groundless” exception to arbitrability.

Archer & White filed a complaint against Henry Schein, Inc. for various causes of action. Schein moved to compel arbitration on the basis that the parties’ contract required arbitration of “[a]ny dispute arising under or related to this Agreement.” Archer & White opposed the motion, arguing that it was “wholly groundless.” It pointed to the arbitration clause’s exception for “actions seeking injunctive relief” and argued that Schein sought injunctive relief in addition to damages.

The Court considered this question: does a court or an arbitrator decide whether a dispute falls within an exception to the parties’ arbitration clause? The arbitrator decides, the Court held; a court has no power to decide the arbitrability issue if the parties’ contract delegates that issue to an arbitrator. The Court concluded that the “wholly groundless” exception, adopted by some lower courts, was inconsistent with the Federal Arbitration Act’s text, which contains no such exception. It also contravened earlier cases, the Court said, that held courts cannot screen from arbitration cases that appear frivolous on the merits and that arbitrators may decide “gateway” questions of arbitrability.

A link to the opinion is here.

 Justices Uphold Statutory Exemption for Independent Contractor

In New Prime Inc. v. Oliveira, a unanimous opinion penned by Justice Gorsuch, the Supreme Court affirmed the First Circuit’s judgment that it lacked authority under the Federal Arbitration Act to enforce an arbitration agreement between an interstate trucking company and one of its drivers. The driver, purportedly an independent contractor, had argued that an exception to the Act for “contracts of employment” for transportation workers removed his agreement from the Act’s coverage.

The Supreme Court first considered whether a court or an arbitrator should decide whether the statutory exception applies. The court should decide, it held. The Court reasoned that the provisions of the Act empowering courts to stay litigation and compel obligation apply only if the Act applies, which requires an initial determination of whether the contract falls within the Act’s “contracts of employment” exception.

 The Court then turned to the term “contracts of employment.” Looking to its meaning in 1925, the year the Act was adopted, the Court concluded the term “meant nothing more than an agreement to perform work.” Dictionaries of that era, the Court said, did not distinguish between employees and independent contractors.

Although New Prime did not distinguish Schein, discussed above and decided only a week earlier, the key difference appears to be that Schein involved interpreting a contract whereas New Prime involved interpreting the statute, the source of the court’s authority to compel arbitration in the first place.

A link to the opinion is here.

The CFPB is proposing revisions to its 2016 no-action letter (“NAL”) policy and is planning to establish “BCFP Product Sandbox,” a regulatory sandbox that would encourage financial institutions to explore innovative products. The revamped policy would address the shortcomings in the 2016 version and streamline the application submission and review process, thus providing banks with increased incentives to seek NALs. Specifically, the revised policy proposes the following key changes:

  • Including language in NALs that the CFPB would not make supervisory findings or bring a supervisory or enforcement action under its UDAAP authority or other authority within its jurisdiction, so long as the NAL recipient acts in good faith and substantially complies with the conditions of the letter;
  • Decreasing the number of required items of information from 15 to seven;
  • Inviting applications from trade associations, service providers, and other third-parties;
  • Including language on coordination between the CFPB and other regulators to provide alternate means of obtaining a NAL;
  • Removing any temporal limitations on NALs;
  • Removing the requirement to share data with the CFPB; and
  • Broadening the categories of information to be considered in reviewing NALs.

The “sandbox” concept would presumably allow an innovator to market a new product in a limited way without fear of penalization. To that end, “sandbox” would offer relief similar to a NAL. Additionally, participants would receive “approval relief” that protects actions or omissions made in conformity with approvals pursuant to TILA, ECOA, and EFTA, or “exemptive relief” that creates an exemption from statutory or regulatory provisions such as ECOA, HOEPA, and FDIA. The CFPB expects that relief pursuant to the sandbox concept will be limited in time—in most cases, to two years. The sandbox proposal differs from the new NAL policy in the following important ways: (1) sandbox applicants would describe the data regarding the impact of the proposed product or service and share that data with CFPB if the application is granted; (2) participants would share information about how their product or service would affect complaint patterns and default rates; (3) participants would commit to compensate consumers for material economic harm caused by the product or service; and (4) the CFPB would publish information about application denials on its website.

Comments on the proposal are due 60 days after it is published in the Federal Register.

We expect the U.S. Senate to confirm, as soon as this afternoon, President Trump’s nominee to lead the CFPB as its Director, Kathy Kraninger. A positive, though razor-thin and highly contested, outcome for Kraninger appears inevitable based on the Senate’s vote just a few days ago, strictly along party lines, to invoke “cloture” on the nomination by a margin of 50-49 (with one Republican absent), thereby prohibiting a Democratic filibuster on the confirmation. If Kraninger is not confirmed today to be the next CFPB Director, we expect confirmation to occur at least by December 21, when the current Senate session will end.

Kraninger has served in the Trump administration at the Office of Management and Budget under Mick Mulvaney, who of course has also occupied the position of Acting Director at the CFPB for the past year. She has been promoted by supporters as a highly competent government manager, but has had very little experience in consumer financial services. The extent to which she will deviate from how Mulvaney has directed the Bureau is yet to be determined but will be closely watched.

Once confirmed by the Senate, Kraninger’s term as Director would be for 5 years if she serves out the full term. This could create conflict down the line, in the event that President Trump is not re-elected. In that case, unless Kraninger resigns voluntarily (as presidential appointees at some other independent agencies have done on occasion when a new President is elected), the new President would only be able to remove her “for cause.”

While numerous litigants have challenged the constitutionality of this “for cause” limitation on the President’s authority to remove the Director, no final appellate decision has endorsed that view to date. (See our prior post, here.) However, briefing recently closed on the issue in a case now before the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, so a new decision may be near.

A recent FDIC request for information (RFI) suggests the FDIC is interested in enabling banks to offer small, short-term loans to consumers. Over the coming weeks the FDIC will be taking comments on the matter. After analyzing the comments received, the FDIC may issue guidance or regulations encouraging banks to offer these products.

FDIC data suggests that 13% of U.S. households have unmet demand for small loans from banks, representing 14.8 million potential financial consumers. This correlates with a 2017 Fed survey showing that 40% of U.S. adults would not be able to pay a $400 bill without borrowing, selling, or going broke. The FDIC wants this demand met by insured, stable, and well-regulated banks.

The FDIC’s RFI follows efforts by the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency to similarly encourage small-dollar lending by banks. The Comptroller believes that banks’ increased small-lending supply will decrease consumers’ costs and promote their long-term financial goals. The FDIC likely believes the same.

Specific comment areas the FDIC is concerned with include:

  • The small-dollar products currently offered and how much demand is unmet?
  • The potential for banks to work with third-parties
  • Risk factors
  • Regulatory or other legal factors discouraging these loans
  • Using technology to improve services

Interested parties may submit comments until January 22, 2019.

Movements by the FDIC and other federal regulators suggest that the Trump administration is pushing heavily towards making widespread small-dollar lending at banks commonplace. While the increased competition will hurt payday lenders, it should benefit consumers. Importantly, due to the complex nature of the industry, FDIC-insured lenders should consult counsel concerning any new regulations.

This Post is a “Part II” to our recent blog post describing the CFPB’s current plans to consider new rules that may narrow lenders’ exposure to “disparate-impact” liability under the Equal Credit Opportunity Act (“ECOA”), as well as other federal developments along the same lines, particularly with respect to auto lending. Today, we report on important countervailing developments at the state level, which indicate a more aggressive fair lending enforcement posture. Particularly because state laws can impose disparate-impact liability without regard to how the CFPB or the U.S. Supreme Court may interpret federal law, vigilance as to these developments is warranted.

Any review of state-level developments must account for important changes from the elections results this month at the state level. Democrats, who historically have taken a more activist position on fair lending, flipped the attorney general’s office from Republicans in four states (Colorado, Michigan, Nevada and Wisconsin), which will mean that for the first time in the recent past a Democrat will be the top prosecutor in a majority of U.S. states. Given how often state AG enforcement matters require coalitions of cooperating AGs to pool resources, these developments can make state enforcement actions more likely.

Many of these “blue state” AGs had already expressed their “grave concerns” about indications that the CFPB may be retreating from prior positions on disparate-impact liability, particularly in the auto lending space. In a letter to Acting CFPB Director Mulvaney, those AGs also stated their intent to fill any gap created by changes at the Bureau, so as to “ensure nondiscriminatory lending to the residents of our states,” including by enforcing their own states’ prohibitions on disparate-impact discrimination. Just before sending that letter, the AGs made those same points in a letter to the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) urging that HUD not tinker with its disparate-impact rule under the Fair Housing Act. Both letters emphasize that regardless of disparate-impact developments at the federal level, states still have their own disparate-impact liability laws under which they can bring, and have brought, enforcement actions.

The states also have taken more concrete steps in response to federal developments. For example, the New York State Department of Financial Services recently issued new guidance on New York’s Fair Lending Law, with a press release that explicitly linked it to statements by the CFPB. The agency reiterated that under New York law, lenders still face liability on a disparate-impact basis, including specifically “for any discrimination that may result from markup and compensation policies with third parties such as car dealers.”

Importantly, however, when it comes to imposing data collection requirements to facilitate fair lending enforcement, state power is not unlimited. In particular, there are now serious concerns that a recent change to Connecticut law on that subject is preempted by ECOA. The amendment purports to require auto lenders, in all instances, to collect information on loan applicants’ race, gender and ethnicity. Under prior law, lenders had only been required to record that information “if known.” The change appears generally inconsistent with, and in this case would therefore be preempted by, ECOA’s implementing Regulation, Regulation B. Regulation B, subject to various narrow exceptions, generally prohibits lenders from asking an applicant to identify his or her race, sex, and ethnicity (as well as certain other protected characteristics, like religion). 12 C.F.R. § 1002.5(b). Because of the preemption concerns, the Connecticut Banking Department recently published a memorandum stating that it would be taking a “no-action” position, and therefore not enforcing, the new law until further notice. The agency also indicated that it has submitted a formal request to the CFPB for an Official Interpretation as to whether the new law is preempted by Regulation B.

In its recently published Fall 2018 Rulemaking Agenda, the Bureau of Consumer Financial Protection announced that it is considering future rulemaking activity regarding the requirements of the Equal Credit Opportunity Act (“ECOA”) – specifically, “concerning the disparate impact doctrine in light of recent Supreme Court case law and the Congressional disapproval of a prior Bureau bulletin concerning indirect auto lender compliance with ECOA and its implementing regulations.”

In May, President Trump signed a joint resolution passed by Congress disapproving the Bureau’s March 21, 2013 Bulletin titled “Indirect Auto Lending and Compliance with the Equal Credit Opportunity Act.” The Bulletin’s purpose was to “provide[] guidance for indirect auto lenders within the Bureau’s jurisdiction on ways to limit fair lending risk under the ECOA.” The Bulletin had been controversial from the start, suggesting that indirect auto lenders — who purchase and service loans made by auto dealers that fit criteria agreed to between the dealer and lender — consider imposing controls on dealer markup and eliminate the dealer’s discretion to markup buy rates.

Acting Bureau Director Mick Mulvaney praised the congressional resolution, continuing the Bureau’s move away from the fair lending enforcement priorities of the Bureau’s first Director, Richard Cordray (who, as an aside, was just defeated this past Election Day as the Democratic nominee for Governor of Ohio). Mulvaney thanked President Trump and Congress “for reaffirming that the Bureau lacks the power to act outside of federal statutes.” Mulvaney also referred to the Bulletin as an “instance of Bureau overreach,” and asserted that the initiative “seemed like a solution in search of a problem.” He indicated then that Bureau rulemaking on disparate impact would reflect another theme of his approach: a move toward formal rulemaking in lieu of bulletin issuance or “regulation by enforcement.”

Although the Bureau’s Rulemaking Agenda does not address the details of the contemplated rulemaking activity around ECOA, the Agenda’s reference to “recent Supreme Court case law” suggests that any rulemaking may be designed to address unanswered questions following the Supreme Court’s 2015 decision in Tex. Dep’t of Housing & Community Aff. v. Inclusive Communities Project, Inc., 135 S. Ct. 2507 (2015), in which the Court upheld the concept of disparate impact liability under the other principal federal lending discrimination law, the Fair Housing Act, but also emphasized that disparate impact litigants must prove causation – in other words, proof of a statistical disparity among racial groups alone is not sufficient. Inclusive Communities also imposed other restrictions on disparate impact liability.

Potential Bureau rulemaking might focus on application of the Court’s holdings to ECOA. Such a rule would be more durable than the Bureau’s earlier fair lending bulletin, remaining in effect unless altered by later rulemaking (and thus surviving any future leadership change at the Bureau). A rule would also be binding on other federal agencies and the courts, and thus could provide much-desired clarity for lenders.

On September 30, 2018, California enacted the nation’s first small business truth-in-lending law when Governor Jerry Brown signed into law SB 1235. The law aims to protect small businesses from predatory lending practices by requiring increased transparency of certain business-purpose loans marketed to small businesses.

SB 1235 draws comparisons to the federal Truth in Lending Act, which imposes disclosure requirements for consumer-purpose, but not business-purpose loans.  SB 1235 covers “commercial financing,” defined to include commercial loans, commercial open-end credit plans, factoring, and merchant cash advances, for transactions less than $500,000.  Of note, SB 1235 applies to nondepository institutions, such as an “online lending platform,” and exempts traditional depository institutions.

Disclosures required by the law include: (i) the total amount of funds provided, (ii) the total dollar cost of the financing, (iii) the term or estimated term, (iv) the method, frequency, and amount of payments, (v) the description of prepayment policies, and (vi) the annualized rate of the total cost of financing. The California Department of Business Oversight (DBO) is tasked with developing regulations to clarify the ambiguous scope of SB 1235.

The law has garnered broad industry support from signatories to the Small Business Borrowers’ Bill of Rights, which encompasses small business lenders, fintech companies, advocacy groups, and community organizations. Some business groups, including the Commercial Finance Association and Electronic Transactions Association, have chosen not to support the bill.

 

 

Thursday’s Senate confirmation hearing for Kathy Kraninger, President Trump’s nominee to lead the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (“CFPB”), produced a number of testy exchanges with Democrats but no obvious obstacles to the Senate confirming her ultimately. Kraninger, now an Associate Director of the Office of Management and Budget (“OMB”), would if confirmed replace the Bureau’s Acting Director, Mick Mulvaney.  In addition, as the law now stands, Kraninger would then be removable only “for cause” during a term for as long as five years, which would extend well into the next Presidential administration.

In her brief opening statement and throughout her testimony, Kraninger indicated that she would continue the pro-business shift at the agency started by Mulvaney more than six months ago.  She shared no views about specific policy issues facing the Bureau, such as whether the CFPB should repeal its final but not-yet-effective payday lending regulations.  She did in more vague terms, however, indicate that she would make data privacy a high priority, and that she approved of Mulvaney’s actions as director.

Senator Mike Crapo (R-Id.), Chairman of the Senate Banking Committee that held Thursday’s hearing, stated that Kraninger would have to respond to any follow-up written questions from Senators by July 31, 2018, and that a Committee vote would follow by the end of that week, August 3.

As has been widely reported, Kraninger would bring relatively little consumer financial experience to the Director position. Democratic Senators seized on that point and repeatedly charged that she was unqualified to lead the agency.  Indeed, no Democrats voiced support for Kraninger, with even some from “Red” states indicating they had concerns.  Other Democratic Senators posed questions about Kraninger’s role at OMB overseeing the agencies responsible for the controversial “zero-tolerance” border policy and disaster recovery in Puerto Rico, but Kraninger’s responses offered very little in terms of specifics, leaving exasperated some of the questioners, especially Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-MS).

In line with expectations, the panel’s Republicans generally described the CFPB as an unaccountable agency that Kraninger has the management expertise to lead. Because Republicans maintain a narrow Senate majority and showed no obvious indication of concern, it would appear at the moment that they could push a confirmation through if determined to do so.

Importantly, even if Democrats are able to delay Kraninger’s confirmation, the delay would leave Acting Director Mulvaney in charge during the pendency of the nomination.

In a statement on Thursday, April 26, a key House Republican on CFPB issues effectively admitted that despite his own efforts and those of the Trump Administration including Acting CFPB Director, Mick Mulvaney, Congress will almost certainly make no changes to the structure of the CFPB this year.  As a result, there will probably be no change from a single-Director to a Commission, nor will changes be made to the way in which the CFPB is funded, or to the Director’s independent status.

In remarks to the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, Jeb Hensarling, Chairman of the House Financial Services Committee, conceded that he is now willing to accept the bi-partisan banking deregulatory bill that passed the Senate recently as S. 2155, which makes no changes to the CFPB’s structure.  As we reported previously, several Senate Democrats who supported S. 2155 have made clear they would not accept amendments to it by the House that would weaken the CFPB.

Chairman Hensarling indicated that he would still like to pursue his CFPB reforms as separate bills, but most observers agree that if those reforms cannot be attached to the Senate bill, they will not become law this year.  White House statements indicate that President Trump would like to sign S. 2155 into law by Memorial Day.

On Wednesday, the U.S. Senate voted almost entirely along party lines to invalidate, under the Congressional Review Act, the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau’s (CFPB) (in)famous 2013 Bulletin on lending discrimination in the indirect auto market via discretionary mark-ups and dealer compensation policies.  The 2013 Bulletin, construing the Equal Credit Opportunity Act and its implementing rule, Regulation B, had served as the basis for a number of substantial CFPB enforcement actions against indirect auto lenders, with large fines and loud protests from industry.

The U.S. House of Representatives has been poised to vote down the 2013 Bulletin for some time, and is very likely to follow the Senate’s lead and make the invalidation effective.  If as expected the House does act, this would mark the second time in the past year that Congress has voted to strike down a rule issued by the CFPB.  (Last December, the Government Accountability Office’s General Counsel issued a formal legal opinion concluding that the 2013 Bulletin was, in fact, a “rule” subject to the Congressional Review Act, paving the way for yesterday’s Senate vote.)  The first instance, of course, was Congress’ decision to invalidate the CFPB’s rule regarding arbitration.

Despite the Senate’s action Wednesday, efforts to weaken the CFPB by statute along the lines proposed by its Acting Director Mick Mulvaney and Republican congressmen continue to face challenges in Congress.  While such proposals have passed and would likely easily pass again in the House of Representatives, no such measure was included in the recent package of reforms that passed the Senate with bipartisan support.  Several of the Senate Democrats who voted for that package have indicated that they are not inclined to support measures that would weaken the CFPB structurally.